The Arctic War Has Already Begun — You Just Can't See It
In January 2025, a Norwegian defense official pointed to a map centered on the Arctic. From this angle, Russia’s Kola Peninsula sits just across the border, home to nuclear submarines that can strike any major American city within 18 minutes of launch. NATO has responded with massive exercises and renewed discussions of missile defense. The alliance is preparing for war in the frozen north.
But here’s what the strategic maps don’t show: the Arctic war has already started. It just doesn’t look like war.
Since 2022, a different kind of conflict has unfolded across the Nordic region. It’s fought not with missiles but with anchor chains, electronic jammers, and lines of malicious code. Russia has systematically degraded the infrastructure that NATO would need in any conventional conflict. The damage is measurable, the pattern unmistakable. And the implications stretch far beyond the Arctic Circle.
Severed Connections
On November 17, 2024, the BCS East-West Interlink cable connecting Sweden and Lithuania went dark. Less than 24 hours later, the C-Lion1 cable linking Finland and Germany was cut. German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius didn’t mince words. “No one believes the cables were cut accidentally,” he stated publicly.
Investigators traced both incidents to a Chinese cargo vessel called the Yi Peng 3. The ship had departed from the Russian port of Ust-Luga two days earlier. Maritime tracking placed it at the exact locations and times of both cable breaches. Western intelligence officials believe the ship’s anchor severed the cables, either by accident or under Russian direction.
The November cuts weren’t isolated. On Christmas Day 2024, the Estlink 2 power cable between Finland and Estonia was severed, along with four telecommunications lines. Finnish authorities seized a tanker called the Eagle S, part of Russia’s “shadow fleet” of aging vessels that evade Western sanctions. Police discovered the ship had dragged its anchor for nearly 60 miles along the seafloor. Repairs cost tens of millions of euros.
The pattern stretches back further. In January 2022, weeks before Russia invaded Ukraine, a fiber optic cable connecting the Svalbard archipelago to mainland Norway was severed. Svalbard hosts one of the world’s largest satellite ground stations. Police images showed crushing damage consistent with deliberate action.
The numbers tell a story. Since 2022, approximately ten subsea cables have been damaged in the Baltic region. Seven of those cuts occurred in just three months.
But the cable cuts are only one front in this invisible war.
Blind Spots
While severed cables make headlines, another form of warfare happens daily, largely unnoticed. The exception: pilots trying to land aircraft in northern Norway.
GPS jamming over Norway’s Finnmark region has escalated at a staggering rate. In 2021, interference was detected on just 18 days. By 2022, that number reached 122 days. In 2023, it hit 294 days, a 48-fold increase from 2019. By late 2024, Norwegian authorities stopped counting. They’d accepted daily disruptions as the new normal.
The interference originates from Russia’s Kola Peninsula, where the Northern Fleet maintains electronic warfare units. Both Norwegian and Finnish officials have traced the signals to their source.
The impact extends across the region. In Estonia, 85 percent of flights experienced GPS interference. Finnair suspended service to certain Estonian airports for months. Lithuania recorded over a thousand interference cases in June 2025 alone, 22 times more than the previous year. Estonian authorities calculated damages exceeding €500,000 in just three months.
Russian tactics have evolved. Early interference simply blocked GPS signals. By 2025, jammers began spoofing them, broadcasting false location data that could send an aircraft or ship miles off course. The International Civil Aviation Organization formally condemned Russia and North Korea for these actions.
The strategic logic is straightforward. Modern military operations depend on GPS for navigation and targeting. By demonstrating the ability to disrupt these systems at will across NATO’s northern flank, Russia sends a clear signal: in a real conflict, these systems cannot be trusted.
The pattern extends beyond communications and navigation.
Physical Damage
On April 7, 2025, hackers remotely opened a flood gate at the Bremanger hydroelectric dam in western Norway. Water poured out at 500 liters per second for four hours before engineers regained control. No one was injured; water levels were well below flood capacity. But the message was received.
In August 2025, the head of Norway’s Police Security Service, Beate Gangås, formally attributed the attack to Russia. “They don’t necessarily want to spread destruction,” she explained, “but to show what they are capable of.” The goal was “to create fear among Norwegians.”
Norway wasn’t alone. Denmark experienced what officials called the country’s “largest cyberattack on record” when pro-Russian hackers targeted energy infrastructure. In a separate incident, attackers hit a Danish water utility, manipulating pressure settings to burst a pipe and cut off households.
Russia is demonstrating capability. It can reach into Nordic infrastructure and cause physical damage whenever it chooses. The destruction has been limited so far. The capacity for more is not.
Taken together, these incidents reveal something larger than isolated attacks.
The Hidden Pattern
Western officials have stopped treating these events as coincidences. NATO now describes Russia as “waging a campaign of aggressive hybrid actions” against alliance members. The organization’s official assessment is blunt: “These actions are part of a coordinated campaign to destabilise Europe and North America.”
The numbers support this assessment. According to Leiden University, hybrid operations linked to Russia rose from 13 documented incidents in 2023 to 44 in 2024. The U.S. Helsinki Commission has recorded 150 hybrid operations attributed to Russia between February 2022 and November 2024, many targeting NATO members.
Russia maintains specialized capabilities for exactly this kind of warfare. The Main Directorate of Deep-Sea Research, known by its Russian acronym GUGI, operates approximately 50 vessels including nuclear-powered submarines that can reach depths of 6,000 meters. One ship, the Yantar, has been tracked making methodical voyages along European coastlines, scouting undersea cables that carry internet traffic, energy supplies, and military communications.
Western navies believe the Yantar is mapping where disruption would cause maximum damage. The ship carries submersibles capable of tapping cables or attaching explosive devices. In summer 2025, the UK imposed sanctions on GUGI, but the reconnaissance continues.
As Germany’s domestic intelligence chief put it: “Russia is using the entire toolbox,” from cyber attacks to critical infrastructure sabotage “on a significant scale.”
This matters because of a vulnerability hiding in plain sight.
The Invisible Dependencies
The Financial Times piece on NATO’s Arctic preparations focuses on missiles, submarines, and nuclear flight paths. Those threats are real. But they obscure something more immediate: the digital dependencies that make modern military operations possible.
Over 95 percent of international data, including financial transactions, military communications, and daily internet traffic, travels through submarine cables laid on the ocean floor. Governments rely on this privately owned infrastructure for their own communications. Diplomatic cables and military orders pass through the same networks.
Consider what the conventional military buildup requires. Submarines patrolling between Norway and Svalbard depend on satellite communications to receive orders. Reconnaissance aircraft monitoring Russian movements rely on GPS for navigation. Early warning systems that would detect a missile launch from Kola transmit data through fiber optic cables. Even proposed missile defense systems like Trump’s Golden Dome would depend on sensors and data links.
Every element of the visible defense posture depends on invisible infrastructure. And that infrastructure is already under attack.
The West is beginning to respond.
The Response
In January 2025, NATO launched Baltic Sentry, deploying frigates, maritime patrol aircraft, and naval drones to protect undersea infrastructure in the Baltic Sea. The UK initiated Operation Nordic Warden, using artificial intelligence to assess vessel risks in sensitive waters.
Results have been encouraging. Since Baltic Sentry began, no new cable incidents have occurred in monitored areas. Reaction time to suspicious behavior has improved from 17 hours to within half an hour. NATO is learning to see the invisible battlefield.
But challenges remain. International law limits what navies can do. Under UNCLOS, states cannot board ships on the high seas even with compelling evidence of sabotage. Patrolling the ocean floor is expensive. Russia can afford to wait, probe elsewhere, and try again.
The War We Don’t See
While NATO debates missile defense and stages exercises in the frozen north, Russia has been fighting a different kind of war. The cable cuts demonstrate that European communications can be severed. The GPS jamming proves navigation systems can be blinded. The cyber attacks show that power and water infrastructure can be disrupted remotely.
Each incident on its own seems manageable. Together, they reveal systematic vulnerability.
Russia’s strategy isn’t to match NATO in conventional military power. Instead, it’s degrading the invisible systems that conventional power depends on, creating uncertainty about whether communications and critical infrastructure will function when needed. The goal is to win before the first shot is fired.
The Arctic’s future will be shaped not just by who controls the territory but by who controls the invisible networks running through it. The submarines and missiles get the headlines. The cables on the ocean floor and the signals in the electromagnetic spectrum may matter more.
The Arctic war has begun. It’s just happening where most people can’t see it.
G.
All views expressed here are my own and do not represent the opinions or positions of my employer or any organization I am affiliated with.
Giulio wrote the core content and analysis. claude-opus-4.6 / Anthropic (primary contributor) and other AI models supported with research, sounding board, refinement, and structural editing.